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Fouché's method of coercion was essentially extortion through kidnapping. However, it differed from regular kidnappings in one key aspect - he didn't demand ransom from his captives. Instead, he required them to "expose the people hiding money that belongs to traitors of the Republic." He told each captive that if they could provide information within the first fifty to prove their loyalty to the Republic, they would be set free from prison and even receive a reward from the money Fouché confiscated from the traitors.

This was clearly a manipulative ploy to sow discord, but the prisoners in the jail were genuinely trapped in a "prisoner's dilemma." They understood Fouché's true intentions, yet they feared that someone else might betray them, causing them to suffer losses. Falling behind could mean not just losing money but potentially losing their heads!

Nevertheless, one's own head was always more important than anyone else's. So, even though everyone understood Fouché's sinister motives, they raced to "expose" others. Fouché then swiftly dispatched his agents to confiscate the wealth "legally" based on these tips. With the collaboration of the "aristocratic traitors," he proved highly efficient in seizing assets. In just a few days, Fouché had accumulated even more wealth than Robespierre had imagined. He then proceeded to behead hundreds of "undeniable traitors" and seized their possessions. Simultaneously, he posted a commendation order in Marseille, recognizing the "citizens of the Republic" who had remained loyal and contributed to thwarting the aristocrats' conspiracy.

Subsequently, these "citizens of the Republic" demonstrated exceptional revolutionary spirit. They volunteered to donate their wealth to the Republic, claiming it was shameful to possess excessive riches during times of national crisis. They pledged to embark on a self-sustaining and honorable life henceforth.

The guillotine's falling blade was undoubtedly terrifying, but Fouché believed that a blade perpetually hanging overhead was even more effective in making people yield.

At this point, Fouché had achieved significant success in his mission. The new municipal administration had been established, sidelining the nobility and "respectable" citizens, and it appeared that Fouché should return to Paris. Furthermore, Fouché's friends, Eber and Chaumette, needed him now more than ever because the situation in Paris seemed to be going awry.

The "Committee of Public Safety" had passed resolutions opening the ports and promoting trade with neutral nations, involving a significant portion of barter trade. The most crucial commodity in this barter trade was food. However, the consequences of exporting vast quantities of grain soon became evident. In some regions, previously subdued rebellions reignited, and despite strict price controls and supply guarantees, people noticed significant changes in the quality of the flour.

In this era, Europeans primarily used "whole wheat flour" to make bread. This meant that the entire wheat, including the bran and germ, was ground together in millstones, resulting in flour containing bran and germ.

In later times, whole wheat flour became a sought-after health food, and modern whole wheat bread seemed to taste good. But in those days, whole wheat bread did not have the same flavor. Nevertheless, having flour to make bread was considered a blessing by many impoverished folks.

However, this newfound blessing was hard to sustain. People began to notice that the flour they purchased was becoming heavier, but its volume was decreasing. The bread they made from it also tasted worse and was less filling.

When they bit into these loaves, they often experienced a strange greasiness or encountered rough textures that could scratch their teeth. This was normal since millstones of the time were used to grind flour, and some grit or sand would inevitably mix with the flour. People had become accustomed to this. But the flour was genuinely awry now, and rumors circulated among the common people that the flour was being adulterated with various substances like chalk, talc, or sawdust.

In truth, adding such substances to flour was commonplace in that era, and most commoners had never eaten flour without these additives. But today, even they felt something was off. It was clear that more than the usual adulteration was taking place – flour was being mixed with all sorts of random materials.

This behavior naturally sparked discontent among the commoners. Following their usual practice, they prepared to hang the flour merchants from lampposts. However, this time, those attempting to hang the merchants were quickly arrested and sent to the "Revolutionary Tribunal," where they were assured a life free from hunger.

This, of course, stirred widespread dissatisfaction among the commoners and, secretly, some jubilation among their advocates, such as the leaders of the Paris Commune. In their view, an opportunity for someone who could "truly represent the common people" to control France was within reach.

Fouché, fresh from his significant contributions to the Republic, had also become a prominent figure in Eber's circle. If Eber's faction had any plans, the resourceful and capable Fouché would be of great help.

However, Fouché had taken ill due to the intense work he had been doing recently. It wasn't that he had overexerted himself; Fouché had a peculiar constitution. When he wielded power and remained tirelessly busy, his body remained remarkably healthy. Conversely, when he had nothing to do and had idle time, he genuinely fell ill. In the original history, Fouché never suffered any severe illness during his busiest periods. But after he was forced to relinquish all his power in 1816 due to the "Regicides Act" and went into exile, illness overtook him rapidly.

For Fouché, holding and using power was the best form of self-care.

The reason for Fouché's "illness" was because he felt that the situation in Paris was not as optimistic as Eber had imagined.

Now, it was entirely different from 1789, even from just a few months ago. When the Brissotins held power, there were plenty of opponents within the National Convention. They hindered them from passing any resolutions against the Paris Commune, or even measures that would diminish the power of the Commune. For instance, when the Commune surrounded the National Convention, compelling them to pass a resolution to hand over more than twenty Brissotin deputies, one Brissotin representative had proposed forming a guard to protect the Convention. Still, that proposal was swiftly rejected in the Convention.

But now, in the "Committee of Public Safety," while there were factions, they were far more united than the previous National Convention. Additionally, they directly controlled the French military, making them more formidable and unified.

Furthermore, the Paris Commune's own power had diminished significantly. The incessant use of the guillotine and the terror it symbolized had wearied many. The most energetic and fearless individuals had enlisted in the military during repeated conscription rounds. Even the old veterans of the National Guard who became "volunteers" had gone to the front, taking their cannons with them. So now, the Paris Commune had fewer military assets at its disposal.

Eber had tried to replenish the National Guard with new recruits, but most of them lacked revolutionary fervor, physical fitness, and proper training. In previous times, such individuals wouldn't have been admitted to the National Guard.

All these changes led Fouché to believe that continuing to align with Eber might not lead to a favorable outcome. But if he were to return to Paris at this moment, it would signify his allegiance to Eber and the "Committee of Public Safety" publicly. In a sense, he would be trapped between them. Given the absence of specific orders preventing his return, Fouché suspected that Robespierre wanted to place him and Eber in the same predicament.

Therefore, feigning illness became Fouché's choice for now.

Of course, he couldn't pretend to be ill for too long. However, for Fouché, this period would be sufficient to determine which side he should align with. If Eber's faction emerged victorious, he would remain an important figure within their ranks. If the Committee of Public Safety triumphed, Robespierre would likely not spare him. But perhaps, through Napoleon, he could forge a connection with Carnot – an appealing option indeed.



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